Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

During the past two decades nation-states in the South have been greatly transformed by a triple squeeze, namely: ‘from above’ through globalization, with some regulatory powers being ceded to international regulatory institutions; ‘from below’, through the partial decentralization of political, fiscal and administrative powers to local counterparts; and ‘from the sides’, through the privatization of some functions. Central states remain important, albeit transformed, players in local, national and international politics and economics...

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

Crucial for displaced people is citizenship (or the lack of it). In conventional terms, citizenship is seen as political membership in a given nation-state through which citizens possess civil, political, economic and social rights. Most states, however, have groups within them who do not belong and are denied citizenship rights, even though they may have formal citizenship. In particular, displaced people (both within and crossing borders) are denied formal citizenship and rights but are claiming them, subjectively seeing their de facto experience as lived citizenship. Protest, claim assertion and transnational alliances are manifest ways of struggling for those rights. Much of the existing literature tends to focus top-down understandings of displaced people as citizens/non-citizens and the formal processes available (or not available) to them, ignoring the importance of informal processes as well as local agency and practice. This paper explores the informal processes and feelings of belonging through case study examples, linking them to changing dynamics in different displacement regimes (e.g. refugee, IDP – internally displaced people – and DID – (development-induced displacement). We look at impacts of globalisation and changing international and national legal structures to bottom-up and lived notions of citizenship. The paper also examines displacement in light of differing theoretical meanings of citizenship, asking to what extent the forced migrant is a global or transnational citizen.

From Cancún to Copenhagen, from trade debates to climate debates and from financial crises to food crises, the impacts of global forces on everyday life are becoming increasingly apparent. With globalization have come changing forms of power and new realms of authority, and with these, new spaces for public action. From local to global, fields of power and landscapes of authority are being reconfigured, affecting the lives and futures of citizens across the planet, while simultaneously reshaping where and how citizens engage to make their voices heard. If we believe in the ideals of democracy, in which citizens have the right to participate in decisions and deliberations affecting their lives, what are the implications when these extend beyond traditionally understood national and local boundaries?...

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

The question of who should govern the global economy, how and for whose benefit has once again been projected centre-stage. The financial crisis which intensified during 2008 has been viewed as a direct result of the lack of regulation of the financial sector at the national and inter-national levels. For many, it is indicative of the broader failings of the assumptions that underpin contemporary neoliberalism: that markets self-correct and self-govern; that the wealth they create produces a ‘ rising tide that lifts all boats’; and that the appropriate role of the state is a minimalist one as facilitator of markets and enforcer of property rights.

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

Due to copyright restrictions, we can only share the first three pages of this chapter online. The book can be ordered from Zed Books at www.zedbooks.co.uk/citizenship or purchased at the IDS bookstore.

This two-page document summarises how non-governmental organisations used multi-stakeholder accountability dialogues to help protect the rights of people living in communities affected by the construction of a power plant.

Rural citizens have increasingly begun to invoke perceived citizenship rights at transnational level, such that rural citizen engagements today have the potential to generate new meanings of global citizenship. La Vía Campesina has advocated for, created and occupied a new citizenship space that did not exist before at the global governance terrain – a public space distinct for poor peasants and small farmers from the global South and North. La Vía Campesina’s transnational campaign in protest against neoliberal land policies is a good illustration of this in the sense that rural citizens of different countries collectively invoke their rights to define what land and land reform mean to them, struggle for their rights to have rights in reframing the terms of the global land policymaking, and demand accountability from international development institutions. It has been inherently linked with campaigns for land and citizenship rights. One of the outcomes of this initiative is that the public space created and occupied by various civil society groups got expanded. Such space has also been rendered much more complex, with the subsequent creation of various layers of sub-spaces of interactions.

Making sense of an HIV-positive diagnosis is often a struggle. Across Africa this is mediated by a new globalism in public health; the last decade has seen an array of new international initiatives and funding mechanisms. These dimensions of governance exemplify, in the health sector, an intensified move away from forms of authority based on the pre-eminence of nation states in global arenas, towards an array of new arrangements including global public-private-philanthropic partnerships. This Gambian case study unpicks the picture of an emergent ‘therapeutic citizenship’ (Nguyen 2005) in this context – of condom demonstrations and public disclosures – looking to the strands of authority and governance linked to an epistemic structure initiated by the Global Fund, but that works through a complex web of other organisations and agencies. This suggests that in Gambia in the period up to the end of 2006, the focus of this paper, a localglobal axis which constructed HIV related problems, solutions and related notions of identity and political affiliation had come into being. For people living with HIV in the Gambia, making claims based on their status in this field has been problematic, and their ability to shape proactively what goes on and assert their felt needs often rather limited.

How do changing patterns of power and governance affect how and where citizens mobilise collectively to claim their rights? This paper presents a case study of the Global Campaign for Education (GCE), a civil society coalition that came together in 1999 to mobilise people across the world in a campaign for the right to quality, free education for all. The paper interrogates the experience of the GCE to better understand how advocacy movements meet the inherent difficulties of mobilising across different levels of governance to achieve globally recognised rights. The GCE is widely perceived as a successful example of a campaign coalition. Its deep, pre-existing roots in collective organisation in the global South were the foundation for this success. Inclusive and representative formal structures, collective framing of campaign issues and careful recognition of the different roles played by actors in different locations were key factors in building the campaign coalition. The case study discussed the way that involvement in a global campaign affects the citizenship identities of those involved. A sense of global citizenship amongst activists added to rather than replacing a sense of local and national citizenship; as governance is multiscaled, so citizenship can therefore be multidimensional. The challenge is how to continue to build and sustain inclusive and democratic coalitions which span multiple sites and spaces of citizenship.

This paper explores the extent to which and the ways in which civil society groups are contributing to the democratisation of trade policy and politics in the Americas. It explores the strategies adopted by a range of NGOs and social movements to influence the decision-making processes and the content of the trade agenda. This includes efforts to open up existing spaces of participation as well as the creation of new ones through forms of citizen engagement, democratic innovation and efforts to change the terms of debate. We concentrate on the cases of the womenís, environmental and labour movements in relation to the trade agenda promoted by the NAFTA, MERCOSUR and FTAA initiatives.

The first part of the paper provides a discussion of the constraints that recent trade integration processes in the Americas pose to the possibility of deepening democracy. This is followed by an engagement with existing literatures on democratisation in Latin America to draw parallels and identify insights on the nature of the relationship between trade and democracy. The second part draws on three case studies of the strategies of movements in Latin America in their attempts to influence trade policy processes across political scales. The first case study explores the initiatives of women's and feminist organisations in Mexico to incorporate a gender perspective into the debate about NAFTA. The second case deals with the engagements of the environmental movement at the sub-regional and hemispheric levels in relation to the NAFTA, MERCOSUR and FTAA initiatives. The third case focuses on the labour movement in the Americas in relation to the FTAA process. The conclusion reflects on what has been achieved and what future challenges remain.

The paper investigates the ways in which global health messages and forms of health citizenship are mediated by AIDS activists in rural South Africa. It focuses on how international health agencies and NGOs engage with local communities through AIDS prevention and treatment programmes. Some critics regard such global health programmes as conduits for the medicalisation of social life and social problems. From this perspective global medicine is an all-encompassing process that results in systematic normalisation, depoliticisation and disempowerment of patients and citizens. However, this case study draws attention to the agency of the ëtargetsí of biomedicine. It also highlights the observation that AIDS activists and treatment literacy practitioners are not only concerned with biomedical matters, but are also committed to recruiting new members into their biopolitical projects and epistemic communities.

This paper examines asbestos issues, mobilisation and citizenship in India. It shows how asbestos has been considered as a tool for Indian economic growth and modernisation and explores the scientific debates around its ësafeí use. In seeking to locate experiences of citizenship within a globalised context, this research has focused on anti-asbestos mobilisation and protest in cosmopolitan cities as well as more decentralised contexts. It argues that the stateís narrow definition of asbestos diseases enables it to officially document the lack of asbestos diseases experienced by Indian workers. This process, which defines sufferers as politically invisible and inconsequential, accompanied by the 30 year delay between exposure and the onset of disease, hinders anti-asbestos organisations as there is no constituency to be mobilised. Parallel (and partially interrelated) grassroots asbestos movements which are more worker-orientated are, however, marginalised from the transnational protests. The paper argues that mobilisation around identity issues thus creates different contexts in India, in which activists are simultaneously both intimately connected and enormously distant to different aspects of the mobilisation process. In addition, while geographic and political differences are compressed through transnational mobilisation; class, regional and educational differences are expanded.

It was assumed that participation in the global economy would usher in opportunities to participate politically as global governance opened new spaces: a two-for-one deal. This paper looks at Project Shakti, an initiative of Hindustan Unilever Limited that was promoted by the Indian government to encourage underprivileged rural women to locally market globally produced goods. Was this a sustainable source of income? As rural women are integrated into global markets, what are the implications for their identities and networks? And most importantly, when these women claim rights, to whom do they turn?

Focusing on two case studies of environmental activism in Brazil, this paper argues against theories that consider local and global activism as two separate realms. Instead, it is argued here that transnational activists circulate across the two spaces. In the global spaces, they build alliances with foreign groups, and in the local ones, they deal with the national state, other organised groups and ordinary communities living inside environmental areas they aim to protect. Activists live in both spheres and as they move, they carry with them local and global meanings, knowledge and forms of action and organising, mixing them through the continuous action of two mechanisms: adaptation and emulation. In this way, activists’ biographies – their lived experience, their meanings and strategies – intermingle with both spaces in one single trajectory of activism. Discussing the existing literature on transnational social movements, I will argue
that they forge hybrid identities in the sense of being at the same time local and global.

The IAASTD ñ the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development ñ which ran between 2003 and 2008, involving over 400 scientists worldwide, was an ambitious attempt to encourage local and global debate on the future of agricultural science and technology. Responding to critiques of top-down, northern-dominated expert assessments of the past, the IAASTD aimed to be more inclusive and participatory in both design and process. But how far did it meet these objectives? Did it genuinely allow alternative voices to be heard? Did it create a new mode of engagement in global arenas? And what were the power relations involved, creating what processes of inclusion and exclusion? These questions are probed in an examination of the IAASTD process over five years, involving a combination of interviews with key participants and review of available documents. The paper focuses in particular on two areas of controversy ñ the use of quantitative scenario modelling and the role of genetically-modified crops in developing country agriculture. These highlight some of the knowledge contests involved in the assessment and, in turn, illuminate four questions at the heart of contemporary democratic theory and practice: how do processes of knowledge framing occur; how do different practices and methodologies get deployed in cross-cultural, global processes; how is ërepresentationí constructed and legitimised; and how, as a result, do collective understandings of global issues emerge? The paper concludes that, in assessments of this sort, the politics of knowledge needs to be made more explicit, and negotiations around politics and values, framings and perspectives needs to be put centre-stage in assessment design.

The IDS40 Roundtable in Brazil recognised economic growth, cash transfer programmes such as ‘Bolsa Família’, and equity in access to welfare policies, as the main mechanisms to promote development and reduce poverty and social inequality. However, at the IDS40 conference, I could not help but be surprised by the challenging proposal put forward by Wolfgang Sachs that we should rethink the question of equity not in terms of growing consumption, but rather through an effort to reduce it. One of the reactions to Sachs’ intriguing suggestion came from an Indian
colleague who drew attention to the practical difficulties of realising such a proposal. After all, he argued, how could politicians and governments stand up in front of their constituencies and be re-elected for promising to reduce consumption? The findings of the Brazil Roundtable and this comment at the conference are testimony to the enduring force of the idea of development as a project of growth and equity that can be achieved through nation states. But Sachs’ proposal also highlights the fact that new ideas about ‘what development should be’ are gaining space in this age-old debate.

If we stop to look at the state of the world, it is easy to assume there is little we can do that will have a positive impact on the major global issues of our time, such as South-North inequalities, injustice, poverty, armed conflict, famine, endemic disease, global warming and damage to the environment.We may be aware that 800 million people worldwide do not have enough to eat, although there is more than enough food for everyone, or that 40 million people are currently living with the AIDS/HIV virus; and we may even realise that the developing world spends $13 on debt repayment for every $1 it receives in grants. However, despite this we may still be tempted to say,‘I’m just one person, what can I do about it?’

From local to global is the latest topic to feature in the ESRC’s Public Policy Seminar Series, in which we present independent research in key policy areas to potential users in Government, politics, the media, and the private and voluntary sectors.We see such events as an opportunity to establish further dialogue with the users of our research, and we welcome any subsequent contact.

This paper explores the question of civil society engagement with trade policy in Latin America, identifying key factors which shape the dynamics and possibilities of participation. These include (a) key strategic issues within the movements and among groups themselves;(b) the organisation of institutional access; and (c) key economic and political regional dynamics. The authors compare three different sets of trade negotiations and institutional arrangements: NAFTA, Mercosur and FTAA, and examine the key drivers and shapers of change in each case through a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the environmental, labour and women’s movements. In examining the diverse forms of engagement and nonengagement, lessons are derived about the possibilities of constructing more effective, sustainable and transparent mechanisms of participation and representation in trade policy. The paper begins with an analytical framework, followed by sections exploring and comparing the strategies of the environmental, labour and women’s movements in trade policy. In each case, the authors ask: Who mobilises and how, around what sort of issues? How do the coalitions use the spaces that exist in trade arenas or protest the limitations imposed? How do regional dynamics affect these processes? Diverse and imaginative sets of strategies are used by groups interested in or affected by trade policy in Latin America,which change over time, accommodating a rapidly changing context; though a key lesson showed that merely having mechanisms of participation in place does not mean they are used effectively. Civil society groups move in and out of policy spaces and shift between ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’ strategies, including movement across levels and between arenas. Just as states practice two-level games, so too civil society engages in double-edged diplomacy, playing national and international arenas off against one another depending on the political opportunity structures available in each and the political dynamics underpinning them.

This document was commissioned to provide an overview of some of the most prominent academic debates relevant to this research agenda, focusing on authors from UK and U.S. institutions.

It would be highly surprising if the world of global environmental politics existed above, or somehow transgressed, the global politics of exclusion and inequality which characterize all other global social relations. It is my contention indeed that they do not, despite the lack of attention within the study of global environmental politics to these fundamental issues. The challenge, however, is to suggest ways in which environmental inequality reinforces and, at the same time reconnects,other forms of hierarchy and exploitation along lines of class, race and gender. In the context of this paper, my aim is to suggest connections between these worlds, borne out by diverse literatures including those on environmental racism, socialecology, historical materialism and feminist political ecology that are relevant to the global politics of the environment. Given the scale of this ambitious task, my analysis at this point cannot move much beyond identifying and suggesting connections in such a way as to facilitate further applied
and theoretically informed modes of enquiry.

This paper focuses on new communities and conceptions of citizenship and civic action promoted by two globally connected Cape Town-based NGOs and CBOs involved in struggles over access to land, housing and Aids treatment. The organisations discussed in the paper include the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), an Aids activist group, and the South African Homeless People’s Federation (SAHPF), a low-income housing association connected to networks of Slum Dwellers International (SDI), a globally connected organisation based in 14 countries and including cities such as Bombay, Calcutta, Nairobi, Bangkok, Karachi and Bogota. The TAC is connected to groups such as Medicins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders – MSF), Oxfam, Ralph Nader’s Consumer Technology Project, and a range of other international activist organisations. Like the TAC, the SAHPF is a mostly women’s organisation that is involved in
a wide range of activities including savings clubs, income generation projects, community policing, Aids intervention and so on. The Mumbai-based women’s savings collectives and the SAHPF are part of SDI’s global network of homeless people’s organisations that is connected through Federation members visiting each other’s cities. This form of ‘horizontal exchange’ assists poor people exchange ideas through direct learning about savings schemes, housing, income generation projects and so on.